There is confusion spread throughout the party. Some are asking why we have to amend our
constitution, some are questioning their ideology and some are taking a long hard look at their political allegiance. They are right to be unsure. We are walking a tightrope. If we falter now, the BNP will never secure parliamentary representation for the indigenous peoples of these isles.
A cocksure Tory once said that Labour would never be elected again. A few years previously James Callaghan’s Old Labour government had fallen. It was widely believed that the party then in its present incarnation would never capture the support of middle England again. The signs were there in 1974 (and arguably decades earlier), when they had been forced to form a minority government, short of a majority by 33 seats. The belief that the public had lost faith – and many were suspicious of anything remotely resembling communism – in a socialist party was borne out over the course of the next three general elections, they failed in 83, 87, and 92.
Labour bigwigs needed to make the party more attractive to the middle-class, it was vital that they try to move away from its socialist stance to free-market policies. There was considerable opposition from the elder members and the hardcore ‘reds’. Like the BNP, Labour had constitutional issues, the infamous clause four, which detailed Labour’s commitment to Nationalisation and wealth redistribution, but it was also a stick for their own back, often attacked by their opponents.
In 1992, Labour were expected to defeat the Tories. Labour lost, and this was a wake up call for the party, it gave impetus to the architects of the New Labour project. Labour ratified Blair’s clause four constitutional amendments in 1995. This represented the final step from Old Labour to New Labour, and two years later, they won, massively.
2004 was our wake up call, it was supposed to be the year that the BNP finally broke into the big time, we were going to win several seats at the European election. Perhaps we should have realised that the media weren’t attacking us because we we didn’t pose a threat, and they were right, we were agonisingly close in Nick’s North-West region, but ultimately we failed. The party had overextended itself financially, morale was very low, and then, Nick announced the unthinkable, we were going to have to amend our membership criteria. There was big opposition from the membership, and the plan was abandoned, but not forgotten.
Five years later, high on victory, the amendments first suggested in 2004 were now being forced onto us by the establishment. The first hurdle has been navigated – the voting membership has selected a proposal from the Chairman to go to the party membership to ratify our constitutional amendments. The membership now holds in their hands the one chance we have to break away from the remnants of the old party that hold us back. For some, this may be a very bitter pill to swallow, but tell me: Is it as bitter as all the years of failure you have endured?
Remember;
We are still Ethno-Nationalists,
We still oppose mass immigration,
We are still committed to dismantling Multiculturalism,
We will leave the European Union.
The major difference between ethno-nationalism and racial-nationalism, is that the former recognises loyalty to your ethnic group before that of your race. Think of your country, culture and heritage before that of the kindred ethnicities. This may come as a surprise, but the British have been betrayed, bullied and in some cases slaughtered by those whom racial-nationalists would consider their brethren. It’s just a reconsideration, a repositioning of your world view and priorities.
From 1982 to 1999, the BNP was like a small child, uncouth, politically unpalatable, electorally toxic, too influenced by the movements that gave birth to it. We are now at the adolescence stage of our development, and it is painful. We are at the brink of passing into adulthood, political maturity, and like a youngster that has outgrown his peers, we most move on. Move on to electoral success and become a parliamentary party.
However, we must not cast aside those whom were there in the beginning, but they must accept that the tyranny we face now was allowed to manifest itself on their watch, their brand of nationalism was unacceptable to the electorate, it was a complete failure, they must accept and correct those failings, and they must adapt. Those that have done so, now lead the party.
This is our ‘clause four moment’.
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